Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Bone Rasps at Calixtlahuaca

Note: This post contains photos of human bone. 
During the archaeological excavations at Calixtlahuaca, Dr. Michael Smith and his team uncovered two different burials of bone rasps sometimes called Omichicahuaztli by the Aztecs. These bone rasps have been examined and analyzed by Kristin Nado, PhD Student with the School of Human Evolution and Social Change at Arizona State University. Her studies include details of both burials involved in the 2006-07 excavations as well as comparisons with burials found at the same site by Garcia Payon during his excavations in the 1930’s. She then makes a comparison of the burials found in Calixtlahuaca to bone rasps uncovered at a site in Zacapu Michoacán, Mexico.
Several secondary burials at Calixtlahuaca contain bone rasps. Some, discovered by Garcia Payon, are formal offerings near public architecture, including complete human femurs, tibias and crania.  One secondary burial found by Dr. Smith and his team was found in a terrace deposit with fragmented arm and leg bones and partial crania. The fragmented bones show evidence of green bone breakage, meaning they were ritualistically killed or “broken” after just a few years of use. A second (and most interesting) burial was also discovered by Dr. Smith’s team and it was found in a colluvial deposit and consists of fragmented bones, possibly of a child, with green bone breakage and partial crania. What makes this burial different is that all the notched bones showed distinct signs of wear and were burned. In contrast the bone rasps discovered in Zacapu Michoacán were of adults and young adults and consists of humerus, ulnas, femurs and tibias with no mention of crania. The bones show clear signs of mass use as well as green bone breakage. Unfortunately, context is not well known.
Terrace Deposit Burial
Colluvial Deposit Burial
                                                    

            What was the purpose of the Omichicahuaztli to the Aztecs? That question is still under debate. Major consensus is that they were used in mortuary rituals and symbolized the myth of Quetzalcoatl’s gathering of the bones of past creations to recreate human beings. The examinations of the Omichicahuaztli burials at Calixtlahuaca are still in its infancy, as studies progress these enigmatic bones will surrender even more information.  I would like to acknowledge Dr. Michael Smith, Ms. Angela Huster, Ms. Juliana Novic and the rest of the Calixtlahuaca excavation crew as well as a special thanks to Kristin Nado, whose power point presentation this information is based on, for without their dedication, expertise, and sense of curiosity the Calixtlahuaca project and this blog would not be possible.

Brenda Smalley
Undergrad Intern
Calixtlahuaca project 
Arizona State University


Monday, April 1, 2013

Calixtlahuaca in Hawaii!

The Calixtlahuaca Project is giving a symposium at the 78th Annual Society for American Archaeology meeting in Honolulu, Hawaii this coming week.  The session will run from 9:30 to noon on Saturday, so if you want to hear even more nitty-gritty details of the project, talk to one of us in person, or grill us about one the blog posts, please join us.

The session schedule is:

Empire, Economy, and Urban Society at Aztec Period Calixtlahuaca, Mexico

Michael E. Smith
Archaeological Fieldwork at Calixtlahuaca
                      
Maelle Sergheraert
Calixtlahuaca’s embedded carved stones: Symbols of religion, power and markers of cultural changes.

Adrian Burke and GillesGauthier
Geochemical Characterization of Obsidian from the Toluca Valley using XRF

Bradford W. Andrews, RPA
Calixtlahuaca Stone Tools: Technological Trends and Their Socioeconomic Implications

Julieta Lopez, Marina Vega-Gonzalez, Manuel Aguilar-Franco and Jose Luis Ruvalcaba-Sil
Stones that Speak. The Slate from Calixtlahuaca. Sources, Function and Distribution

Angela C. Huster
Of Comales, Cotton, and Aztec Orangeware: The effects of Aztec Conquest at Calixtlahuaca

Jennifer L. Meanwell
A Petrographic Analysis of Domestic Pottery Consumption at Calixtlahuaca

Juliana Novic
Social Mixing in the Neighborhoods of Aztec Period Calixtlahuaca, Mexico

Ryan Smigielski
Calixtlahuaca: A Comparative Analysis on Urban Features and Politics

Frances F. Berdan
Discussant

Aloha!

Monday, March 18, 2013

No calpollis in the Toluca Valley?

Aztec calpolli temple
The calpolli was an important social institution in Aztec central Mexico. It was a group of households living in proximity who shared economic and other resources. In the countryside, calpollis were villages and in cities calpollis were neighborhoods. There were two sizes or levels of calpolli - a small calpolli (ca. 20 households), several of which were grouped together into a large calpolli (ca. 150 households). Calpollis typically had a temple and a market. They were made up of commoner households, who selected a council to made decisions and run the organization (e.g., to assign plots of land among the farming families).

In the State of Morelos, where I worked prior to Calixtlahuaca, there is abundant documentation of the presence and importance of calpollis. A series of detailed census lists (house-by-house interviews)  were recorded in Nahuatl in six communities in Morelos, and these provide the most detailed accounts of calpolli organization from anywhere in central Mexico. The sites I excavated in Morelos matched up very closely to the size and structure of calpollis in these documents. In my current book, I identify the calpolli as a major source of the stability, success, and prosperity of the communities I excavated in Morelos.

Calpollis at Cuexcomate, in Morelos
When we started working at Calixtlahuaca, many of us assumed that calpollis were present in this area as well. Some historians talk about calpollis in the Toluca Valley, although there are no detailed  descriptions of them. Last week I started wondering if perhaps the people of Calixtlahuaca and the Toluca Valley lacked calpolli organization, and that this fact (if true) might help explain some of our findings. I have now almost convinced myself that this was indeed the case. Here is my reasoning so far.

First I checked the major books and article on social organization in the Toluca Valley at the time of the Spanish conquest. If calpollis were present, these historians would mention it. But the only time calpollis were mentioned in these works was when authors were talking about general patterns of social organization in central Mexico, not about specific places in the Toluca Valley.

Then it occurred to me (this afternoon) that perhaps if we did not have the Morelos census data, it might be harder to identify calpollis in Morelos. If that were the case, then the missing calpollis in the Toluca histories might not mean very much. So I took a spin through the major works on 16th century social organization in Morelos. I found that these authors regularly talked about calpollis, even when they were not drawing on the census documents. I found a few quotes from documents that mentioned calpollis. So, unlike the Toluca Valley, many historical studies of Morelos had identified calpollis, independently of the census documents. This strengthens the argument that if calpollis had been present and important, there would be more discussion of them in the 16th century documents.

Then I realized that I needed to check the major literature on the Aztec calpolli in general. Sources like Lockhart and Carrasco had surprisingly little to say about specific calpolli apart from the Morelos census data. But a major paper by Luis Reyes García (1996) listed lots of examples of the use of the term calpolli. In fact, he has a whole list and discussion of mentions of the calpolli in central Mexico outside of Mexico City. The towns are scattered all over Morelos, Puebla, and Tlaxcalla, with a single occurrence in Toluca (in 1533). But it turns out that the lone Toluca calpolli reference describes communities of commoners who moved into the Toluca Valley from the Basin of Mexico after the Valley was conquered by the Mexica emperor Axayacatl. Not surprisingly, these migrants kept their native calpolli organization when they settled in Toluca. That leaves only one possible mention of a calpolli in the Toluca Valley, from a document from Zinacantepec in 1574, cited in an article by Megged. The context is not clear from his article, however.

On the basis of this quick review, it looks to me like the calpolli was not a regular unit of social organization in the Toluca Valley and Calixtlahuaca in Postclassic or early colonial times. This is by no means a firmly-established finding, and I will keep trying to test it; my next step is probably to talk to some of the historians who know the Toluca documents well.

But if this finding holds up, what does it mean? Right now I will only say that the lack of calpollis would suggest that local social organization at Calixtlahuaca was very different from the patterns I found in Morelos. And now it is time for all of us project members to think about the possible implications of this for our understanding of Calixtlahuaca.

Some sources on the calpolli


Carrasco, Pedro  (1972)  La casa y hacienda de un señor tlahuica. Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 10:235-244.

Hicks, Frederic  (2010)  Labor Squads, Noble Houses, and Other Things called "Barrios" in Aztec Mexico. Nahua Newsletter 49:13-21.

Lockhart, James  (1992)  The Nahuas After the Conquest: A Social and Cultural History of the Indians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth Through Eighteenth Centuries. Stanford University Press, Stanford.

Reyes García, Luis  (1996)  El término calpulli en documentos del siglo XVI. In Documentos nahas de la Ciudad de México del siglo XVI, edited by Luis Reyes García, Celestino Eustaquio Solís, Armando Valencia Ríos, Constantino Medina Lima and Gregorio Guerrero Días, pp. 21-68. CIESAS, Mexico City.

Smith, Michael E.  (1993)  Houses and the Settlement Hierarchy in Late Postclassic Morelos: A Comparison of Archaeology and Ethnohistory. In Prehispanic Domestic Units in Western Mesoamerica: Studies of the Household, Compound, and Residence, edited by Robert S. Santley and Kenneth G. Hirth, pp. 191-206. CRC Press, Boca Raton.